Much of what was also said before apex court in in the additional district magistrate Jabalpur V Shivakant Shukla case (1976) "did not hold water". Oh yes, it was also a mere "coincidence" that the only dissenting judge who dared to stand by the Constitution and basic human rights of people was not promoted and his junior was promoted as next Chief Justice of India. And after many decades the same matter did "hold water" before the same apex court! Any reasonable person who is aware of what is happening in this country and is applying his reasonable part of mind can understand what is going on in every organ of the State, how much we are a republic or a banana republic. Care to read these links:Much of what you have said against the UID, including the examples from other countries (which were cited in galore by both pro-UID and anti-UID organizations), has already been agitated upon before the apex court in India, and did not hold water.
1. http://indiancorruptjudges.com/
2. http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes ... r-c-lahoti
3. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/21-sc ... ls/981224/
Hacking, stealing, selling is always possible, I am not talking about all this. I am talking about secret direct connection from servers or transfer of data by one government to other governments or other organizations for some consideration/compromising sovereignty as well as privacy of citizens without acknowledging this publicly.Regarding CIA & FBI having access to the servers of NADRA, hackers have had access to even CIA and FBI servers
Canada did not dismantle the registry because it is not complex or diverse. Canada dismantled the gun registry because it did not produce any result and was very costly to run it. Care to explain what magical difference is going to happen in India with similar registry?Canada does not have the population of India, nor its complexity and diversity, and so might have thought it unnecessary to maintain a gun-registry. Indian circumstances are different. While we draw from the wisdom of others, we also apply the same to our circumstances.
Nobody is against digitization of data. The problem is there are no checks and balances about what is to be collected and what is not be collected, how the data is going to used, what is the security of data. There is no statutory provision to protect data or privacy but government is rushing to digitize everything.In this era where everything is digital, it is amazing to see that you are against digitization of data.
You have already mentioned that anyone can obtain arms license information by sending a Rs.10/- R.T.I. application to the Public Information Officer concerned, unless the P.I.O. is cautious to reject it under Section 8 of the R.T.I. Act 2005. Private information of citizens is in public domain because PIOs do not know when to apply Section 8 of RTI Act and there is no data protection or privacy law. For example arms license information of individuals is getting published in newspapers to create cheap sensation with some oblique motives, for example like in this one http://indiansforguns.com/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=17948
Another height of stupidity is that some licensing authorities have put all personal and private details of arms license holders on public websites, that includes the license application number, license holder name, his father's name, address, type of firearm, quantity of firearms, firearm number, licensing authority, area validity, date of issue/date of expiry of licenses of all legal arms holders in the area. May read this link http://indiansforguns.com/viewtopic.php?f=4&t=12138
If it is illegal firearm then it is mens rea and if it is legal firearm then it is not mens rea? This does not appear convincing or reasonable. Then why there is Section 27 in Arms Act 1959 dealing with "intent of use"(mens rea) regardless of the legality of possession?In Jessica Lal type of scenario where the firearm used to commit the crime is readily recovered from the culprit, the next step would be to prepare enough forensic ballistic evidence to produce in the court. If it is an illegal fire-arm, then that establishes the guilty mind,
How is database going to help finding weapons from hollow tree trunks or village wells? As per records of National Crime Records Bureau, almost more than 98% of murders are done with illegal weapons and almost around 85% are non firearms like sharp edged or blunt edged objects used as weapons. How will databases help finding all these illegal weapons used in almost more than 98% of murders?In case the weapon is not found, but the suspected criminal is found, the next step in investigation would be to search for the weapon. Many a time, firearms used for committing a crime are found in places such as hollow tree-trunks and village-wells.
How is legal or illegal firearm credentials establishing actus rea or mens rea? Does some one committing murder under 302 IPC with help of legal firearm not make him guilty?Digital data will help in establishing the credentials, or the lack of them, in respect of a firearm used in committing a crime.
Technically almost all 1.2 billion citizens can get arms licenses except a minuscule number of convicted criminals/those offending Sections 9 and 14 of Arms Act 1959. Rather than creating records for 1.2 billion people, is it not cost effective, simpler and beneficial to create records of those few convicted people who cannot get gun license than targeting all the arms license holders? The attitude and behavior of government looks like is planning to gradually reduce the number of arms license holders and creating a road map for slow and steady confiscation of all arms from citizens. Looks like an Orwellian strategy.Say, a Marwari businessman in Dibrugarh applies for a gun-licence to the Deputy Commissioner, Dibrugarh, and claims that he holds no other gun-licence and has no criminal record.
The weapon can be used for crime even by a person without a criminal record. Due to this fact ultimately the license is issued on good faith. That is why there is provision of Section 40 of Arms Act 1959 to protect the licensing authorities.If the Deputy Commissioner takes the second option, and if a crime gets committed with that weapon later, he would stand the personal risk of being pulled up by his superiors (this happened in Andhra where a factionist was granted a gun-licence within a week of applying by an officer, and later used that weapon to kill another factionist. The officer continues to be in thick soup even now).
What is explicitly stated in the Preamble, Articles 14, 19(1)(a),(b), 21 and 51A(d) read together, everything is very much apparent provided one uses mind in a reasonable manner. But if one does not use mind in a reasonable manner then practically nothing is apparent in the Constitution. The Constitution itself endorses the general principles of interpretation through Article 367(1), which states that unless the context otherwise requires, the General Clauses Act, 1897 shall apply for the interpretation of this constitution as it applies for the interpretation of an act of the legislature. Courts have ruled in cases such as Jugmendar Das vs State 1951, that not only the general definitions given in General Clauses Act, but also the general rules of construction given therein are applicable to the Constitution. Also the due process is firmly a part of Constitutional law established by Supreme Court.What is explicitly stated in Constitution of India is what is apparent.
Rather than merely going through law books, it would be better to refresh the basics. Since everything is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution, it has to be read and interpreted with due process. Parliament is creation of the Constitution and in order to implement the Constitution, it is legislating on behalf of the Constitution. IPC also flows from the Constitution to penalize for acts that are offenses in the Constitution. Since IPC is flowing from the Constitution, the offenses therein are also existing in the Constitution. It is not always necessary that offenses have to be explicitly mentioned in the Constitution. And BTW Part III of the Constitution has also explicitly mentioned some offenses. Don't believe me, please read Part III again.Secondly, Constitution of India does not lay down what is an offence and what is not. Indian Penal Code does. Please go through your law books once again.
Let me illustrate with a simple example. Right to Life is guaranteed under Article 21. Since it is guaranteed under Article 21, any extinguishing of life of one person by another person without due process of law is offending Article 21. Corollary to it we have penal provisions like 302 IPC etc.
Another example - Since right to life is a life of dignity, an act of defamation hurts dignity, hence is an offense for Article 21. Corollary to it we have laws against defamation in IPC.
Of course it will be done in due course of time. Also this matter has already been taken up in one High Court.If you still think right to bear firearms is your Fundamental Right, why don't you take it to the court and see?
The fact needs to be understood that wherever in Article 19(1) two rights of citizens are joined, they are joined with conjunction "and". When Article 19(1)(a) says "to freedom of speech and (with) expression", since fundamental rights are negative rights, it also includes another unstated combination "to freedom of speech and without expression".
Similarly when Article 19(1)(b) says "to assemble peaceably and without arms", it also includes another unsated combination "to assemble peaceably and (with) arms". This combination of two fundamental rights(to assemble peaceably and (with) arms) gets reflected in the corresponding fundamental duty of citizens in from of Article 51A(d) and other statutory provisions flowing from Article 51A(d) like The Punjab Village and Small Towns Patrol Act, 1918 or The Himachal Pradesh Village and Small Towns Patrol Act, 1964.
If you further analyze the provisions of Arms Act 1959 and its Objects and Reasons, you will further find details about this fact. One of them is the seperate use of words "citizen" and "person".
Surely you are entitled to your opinion but the facts of law speak otherwise. No matter what Supreme Court has said or not said, the fact remains that Arms Act 1959 is flowing from the Constitution and arms license is not a privilege granted by the Government. It is also a legal fact that Government has no discretion to refuse except only refusal as is allowed in the Arms Act 1959. In other words if the person is not offending Sections 9 and 14 of Arms Act 1959, it is his right to get a license. Since it is a matter of right, that is why Section 14(2) prohibits refusal of license merely on the ground that person does not own or possess sufficient property. Since it is a matter of right, that is why Section 14(3) makes it mandatory for licensing authority to give the refusal of license in writing, so that applicant can approach High Court or Supreme Court to get his right enforced. There are plenty of High court judgments also, for example this judgment http://indiansforguns.com/viewtopic.php ... 64#p147708A firearm licence in India, as on date, is not a "right" of any kind. It is the discretion of Government whether to grant it to one or not, and in my opinion it will always remain that way.